The false Republic
- A Historic Sentence
- The False Republic
- The False Democracy
- What We Deserve to Build
“Many people are struck by the permanent state of disturbance of order and often of peace in Ibero-American countries. This fact, apparently inexplicable to those who do not know our countries, appears almost natural to those of us who know how the real life of these peoples exploited by imperialism unfolds, with the complicity of native oligarchies that thrive on it, protected by their praetorian guards, who do not hesitate to turn into occupation forces when ‘the colony’ or vested interests are in danger.
This state of affairs has its origin in the very beginnings of the 19th century, and simultaneously with our independence, upon the remains of the Spanish Empire, its replacement begins to be built: the English Empire which, with great intelligence, does not use force to dominate, but economic means conveniently employed, weighing on the interests of the incipient ruling class of this emerging community. This is how our ‘Republics’ are born, with apparent political independence, but in truth subjected by other means in which, if the force of arms does not intervene, skill is employed, which is often infinitely superior.”
(Perón, 1968)
1.
In June 2025, a judicial ruling in Argentina sentences former President Fernández de Kirchner to six years in prison and permanently bars her from holding public office.
We must not question the need to address corruption cases and have a system that monitors and applies the necessary measures. However, it is necessary to pay attention to the irregularities that not only prevent due process, but above all, mock the legitimate foundations of our political system.
On one hand, the division of powers is indispensable for the proper functioning of the Republic. On the other, the political proscription of movements that represent the interests of the most vulnerable is against the democratic system. Both are interconnected and of extreme gravity, although different in nature.
The idea of the Republic can be used either for or against the strengthening of a Nation, depending on who is the speaker. In this sense, the notion of the Republic’s institutionality is interesting, such as how it can be democratic or anti-democratic.
The institutional structure, the rules of the game systematized in legal norms through representative decision-making, processes balanced in the division of powers, constitute the solid base to build a society of basic consensus, from which we can move toward what we aim to achieve as a community.
The links between the Judiciary, large economic power groups, and the interests of external agents generate suspicion and fear that the guarantees of the Rule of Rights may indeed be upheld within a State that allows the violation of the established minimal consensus: division of powers, democratic system, equality before the law, Rule of Rights.
It is indispensable to call upon the historical conscience of anti-oligarchic resistance in our country, as well as the offensive of the dominant classes in establishing and perpetuating exploitation, to the extent of bombing Plaza de Mayo and civilians, proscribing a political movement, executing and disappearing people, expropriating babies. Institutionality has historically been mocked in favor of a false Republic, as a reaction of economic power groups willing to go to any lengths to shape the status quo.
The ruling against Cristina invites us to consider the gravity of mocking the institutional rules of the game in a country like ours, and the trap of a political system that can be unjust and unequal, consolidating a situation of decline for our country and our people.
Having built a state apparatus and solid institutionality, the first Peronist governments were condemned as fascist and anti-democratic, views that remain to this day. These arguments justified the greatest interventions against our country’s institutional framework and the most atrocious violations of the rule of law as such, including liberal guarantees like respect for life, freedom of conscience and political opinion. In this sense, the standard of republican institutionality is upheld impartially, and according to limits established by those with access to spheres of power unreachable by the majorities who suffer the consequences of governments that plan exploitation and poverty through income transfers to concentrated sectors.
Currently, the branches of government are constantly challenging and even surpassing the limits of our institutional political order with presidential vetoes and decrees, suppression of state agencies, and political persecution through the judiciary.
The need to defend the Argentine Republic lies in the evident need and desirability of order. We deserve the possibility of living in a society with functioning political channeling mechanisms, within minimal limits, such as the division of powers. The Argentine people are interested in having a country at peace and institutionally strong to be able to achieve the principles of political sovereignty, economic independence, and social justice.
As Perón explains to us: the lack of independence and political sovereignty allows for the interruption of our political orders, disturbing consensus, order, and peace. The presence of an oligarchy, concentrated power groups intervening in the status quo, makes it impossible to build a legitimate and representative democratic system.
The danger of the persecution of a political leader after the implementation of a country project based on foreign debt, extreme financialization of the economy, extractivism, and the impoverishment of living conditions, should generate great concern.
If we consider the idea of a judicial ruling with irregularities, the violation of agreed and established mechanisms requires public demand and defense of our republican and democratic political regime, which has been violated so many times. Above all, to state and denounce political proscription as a known strategy in our country.
Currently, Argentina is weakened. The organization of a national sovereignty movement presents challenges before which the unifying role of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner is no coincidence. The impunity acquired by the groups that do not care about protecting the Argentine Nation arises not only from the weakening of the republican system by violating institutionality, but also from interference in the democratic system by excluding possible representatives of the community’s interests.
It is not fair to live in a democratic system that reduces the possibilities of representation. This means that even if there is an electoral process, it is not legitimate if political movements or figures are proscribed. Undeniably, the concentrated powers opposing Kirchnerism are today relieved and celebrating a move that prevents a true democracy.
The fundamental objective always is and has been to avoid violence. The interruption of institutionality can lead to internal chaos and that is something we need to avoid. Our goal must be to build order and peace, institutions legitimate in their proper functioning for the strengthening of a country in crisis, with poverty, corruption, and hopelessness.
Political coexistence among the sectors of society is indispensable, as well established in the Justicialist doctrine: harmony between capital and labor. It is essential to revive political debates, strengthen political education, and this is the moment to keep that flame alive.
Our strength today will lie in reflection aimed at the unity of popular sectors, the productive sector, in the face of the great concentrated powers that speculate to consolidate themselves as owners of the world—and of our destinies.
The judiciary—all powers—must respond to the interests of the people. It will be our responsibility to whisper and shout when necessary, that we are here, observing, condemning corrupt action in the face of the republican and the democratic, but above all, the lives that constitute a community in struggle and suffering.
We indeed seek, from love, peace, order, political sovereignty, the possibility to choose and decide, but above all, the possibility to guarantee social justice. To overcome indifference and cruelty in the face of the pains of our homeland.
We want a united Argentina, without separatist regionalisms, without internal instabilities that justify external infiltration, without institutionality bent by private, sectoral interests. We will continue resisting, because a pesar de todo, no nos han vencido.
References
Perón, J.D. (1968). La hora de los Pueblos. Buenos Aires: Ediciones Argentinas.
